Jerry P. Shinley Archive:Subject: Ference Nagy, Some Web Sites with Info about
Ferenc Nagy, Some Web Sites with Info About
Date: 2/2/99 11:43 AM Eastern Standard Time
[This post was made to contest claims by Garrison supporters that Ferenc Nagy was a Nazi-sympathizer during WWII and later.--JPS]
The statement made to the press on June 17 by Premier Nagy appeared in the New York Times of June 18, 1947 as follows: A year ago, when I first came to Washington, I was the leader of the freely elected majority in the Hungarian National Assembly and the head of a coalition government. Since that time, the majority has been overruled by the joint pressure of Soviet Russia and the Communists in Hungary; some of my closest collaborators have become actual or virtual prisoners; others are sharing exile with me. The only duly elected government in Russian-occupied southeastern Europe has fallen victim to totalitarian aggression.
The Hungarian coalition government was broadly representative, as required by the Yalta Agreement, and made strenuous efforts to be friendly with Soviet Russia. While trying to maintain the independence of the country and to establish freedom and democracy, the paramount aim was to assure a peaceful evolution to the Hungarian people, worn out by the hardships of war and the armistice period. It was our earnest hope that, with the coming into effect of the peace treaty, a political and economic system based on Western concepts of democracy would be consolidated.
Although my party had won a clear- cut majority in the elections of November, 1945, we decided to maintain the coalition government and, taking into consideration the facts that the sovereignty of Hungary was limited by the armistice agreement and the country was occupied by the Red Army, we were ready to make concessions to the minority as well as to the Soviet Government.
I admit to having appeased the Communists and Soviet Russia, in the hope of being able to save my people from further troubles, meanwhile maintaining the basic political structure as it had resulted from the elections. But I must emphasize that on several occasions I also resisted; the best proof thereof is that, until the recent coup, political and economic conditions in Hungary differed greatly from those prevailing in other oppressed countries in southeastern Europe.
Our position was extremely difficult, however. The rigged Rumanian elections in November, 1946, further consolidated the Russian position in south- eastern Europe; and the way toward cooperation with Czechoslovakia was blocked by the ruthless treatment of the Hungarian minority in that country. Thus we were isolated, the more so because the Allied Control Commission, the supreme authority under the armistice agreement, was actually a Russian agency.
When the Foreign Ministers agreed on the definite terms of the peace treaty, in spite of all of its undue hardships and shortcomings, we hoped that the treaty would soon come into effect. This would have enabled the duly elected majority to proceed with greater freedom toward the achievement of its aims: to consolidate the radical reforms in our economic and political life and to make Hungary a country of happy, free and self-governing human beings.
But our hopes did not materialize. In December, 1946, the Communist- controlled police discovered an alleged conspiracy to overthrow democracy in Hungary. At first the police produced evidence and statements which made me agree to the prosecution of the case. However, now that I can have no further doubts as to the methods and aims of the Communists and their police, I can say that I do not believe in the existence of a conspiracy aimed against the democratic form of government.
Among those accused there might have been some people who had talked and written fantastic and childish things, but the leaders or the rank and file of the Smallholders party did not plot against the country.
The signature and eventual coming into force of the peace treaty being in sight, I had to play for time once more, and with the inter- party truce of March 1947, we still succeeded to save the basic results of the elections: The majority in the National Assembly.
As a result of the direct intervention of the Soviet Union, however, I was ousted from my office, and a new Government was imposed upon the Hungarian people.
The events in Hungary, as well as in many other countries in southeastern Europe, make it definitely clear that the Soviets and Communists do not seek fair and genuine cooperation, but dominance. To them, the coalition is only a means to save the appearance of representative government, and nothing short of unconditional surrender is considered by Russia as a friendly gesture.
As a consequence of Russian and Communist conspiracy, Hungary has lost her independence. The Hungarian people are no longer responsible for the words or deeds of their imposed rulers. Whatever might be said or done on behalf of Hungary by her present and eventual rulers, the Hungarian people, deprived of their freedom, are no longer responsible.
I sincerely hope that American public opinion, having been fully informed by the American press on present events in Hungary, will judge with more understanding and sympathy the very similar events which forced her in Hitler's time into the same degrading situation in which she has been placed now, mainly because of her geographical position and the policy of appeasement on the part of the Western powers.
Hungary received the largest direct restitution of gold from Germany. In early May 1946 the anti-Communist Hungarian Government was informed by the United States that there was no possibility of an Export-Import Bank loan to support the shaky Hungarian economy. During an official visit to Washington in June 1946, Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Nagy called upon Secretary of State James Byrnes and Acting Secretary Dean Acheson and formally requested the return of the Hungarian gold reserve of $32 million found in the U.S. Zone of Occupation. Secretary Byrnes, just before his return to Paris for the Paris Peace Conference, initially proposed returning only a portion of this reserve and retaining a portion to satisfy claims of Americans against Hungary. Acting Secretary Acheson on June 15 determined that the United States would return the Hungarian gold reserve held in custody in the U.S. Zone of Germany in order to stabilize the Hungarian monetary system and economy, provided the Hungarian Government assured that it would return any part of the reserve subsequently determined to be looted. An official American train carried the Hungarian monetary gold from Frankfurt to Budapest on August 6, 1946, where it was received ceremoniously by Prime Minister Nagy.
[This site contains the complete text for "The Spy and His Masters" by Christopher Felix. The is the British edition of "A Short Course in the Secret War." This site says that this book had an influence on L. Ron Hubbard and Cos. Burton Hersh's "The Old Boys" reveals that Felix was really James McCargar and that Ferenc Nagy was the "exiled Hungarian referred to below:]
[Hungarian Crisis 1956:]
My own purposes at Vienna were simple enough. The political operations in which I was engaged concerned Hungarians outside of Hungary, and my principal tasks had to do with the tens of thousands of Hungarian refugees pouring over the border into Austria. So far as events in Hungary were concerned, my mission was purely that of an observer: if a contact should develop with the new Hungarian revolutionary regime, I would maintain it while seeking new instructions. Indeed, only eight days before, an exiled Hungarian, a former very high post-war politician and Cabinet Minister, had told me that he had telephoned Budapest and spoken to members of the new Imre Nagy Cabinet, who had said simply, "Speak for us in the West. Make them understand our neutrality." I had assisted this man to travel to Vienna, not with the intention of his re-entering Hungary, but only so that he could he in closer contact with his colleagues and compatriots now in the Government. He had, on arrival in Vienna, been immediately deported to Switzerland on, of all things, the representations of the American Ambassador to Austria. I had, therefore, on my own arrival in Vienna, sent word to one of his henchmen, who was now somewhere in Hungary carrying a letter from the former Minister to the leading non-Marxist political personality in the new Government.
[Mae Brusell's article "The Nazi Connection to the JFK Assassination"] -
The papers of Charles Douglas Jackson cover the period from 1931 to 1967 but the bulk falls into the years from 1940-1964. The papers were sent to the Eisenhower Library arranged in two series: an army file and a general file. This original order has been retained by the Library.
Almost a fourth of this collection concerns C.D. Jackson's psychological warfare activities during World War II when Jackson, representing the Office of War Information (OWI), served as Deputy Chief, Psychological Warfare Branch (PWB), Allied Forces Headquarters (AFHQ) in 1943, and Deputy Chief, Psychological Warfare Division (PWD), Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF), 1944-45. At AFHQ in Algiers, he directed OWI propaganda leaflet and newswriting activities, and in London with PWD, SHAEF, he participated in Allied efforts to arouse the conquered people of Europe against the Germans. During the late stages of the war Jackson directed the Allied Information Service which distributed information about the Allies' war efforts to France and other liberated areas.
This portion of the collection consists of official correspondence, memoranda, cables, reports, and propaganda leaflets which reflect the shaping of Allied psychological warfare policies, as well as some personal correspondence, newsclippings, and miscellaneous materials. Important subjects include propaganda methods, Allied liberation of France and relations with the French, information control in Allied- occupied Germany, OWI functions, civil affairs, displaced persons, and the surrender of Italy. Prominent "psychwar" personnel with whom C.D. Jackson corresponded include Richard Crossman, BrigadierGeneral Robert McClure, Edward Barrett, and Fred Auberjonois.
The remainder of these papers fall into an alphabetically arranged General File or Time Inc. File which spans Jackson's career with Time Inc. from 1931 to his death in 1964. Following is a partial list of his positions and functions during this period: Vice President, Time Incorporated, 1940; President of Council for Democracy, 1940; Special Assistant to the U.S. Ambassador to Turkey, 1942-43; President of the Free Europe Committee (this directed Radio Free Europe) 1951-52; Speechwriter for Dwight D. Eisenhower during his campaign for the Presidency in 1952; Special Assistant to the President for International Affairs, 1953-54; U.S. Delegate to the Ninth General Assembly of the United Nations, 1954; speechwriter and consultant to President Eisenhower during the Lebanon Crisis of 1958; and unofficial consultant to the President on other occasions.
In his long career with Time Incorporated Jackson served as one of Henry Luce's vice presidents; supervised overseas activities of Time Inc. during the late 1940s; became publisher of Fortune and, later, Life; gave numerous speeches; and conducted other public relations functions. Some of these activities are reflected in his correspondence with Henry Luce and John K. Jessup, as well as in his extensive speech file.
Jackson was an ardent believer in the virtues of American democracy and free enterprise and a staunch opponent of communism and fascism. As President of the Council for Democracy in 1940, he participated in an organization whose objectives were to alert American people to the threats of nazism and fascis and to prepare them for involvement in World War II. Included in these paper are meeting minutes, memoranda, and correspondence concerning this organization.
After World War II Jackson became strongly sympathetic to the plight of Eastern European countries under communist domination and was an active participant in Radio Free Europe from the time of its founding in 1949 until his death in 1964. Folders of official Radio Free Europe papers as well as correspondence with individuals in the organization comprise a small but significant part of this collection.
As Special Assistant to the President for International Affairs, Jackson was concerned with furnishing ideas to the President, the Secretary of State, and other policy makers on scoring propaganda points against the Soviet bloc. In carrying out this role, Jackson took the lead in preparing President Eisenhower's Atoms for Peace speech which the President gave at the United Nations on December 8, 1953. Jackson also helped prepare other foreign policy speeches, participated in National Security Council and Operations Coordinating Board meetings, and attended the Bermuda Conference in December 1953 and the Berlin Four Power Conference, January 25 to February 18, 1954.
Although he resigned from the White House staff in 1954, Jackson continued to correspond and occasionally consult with President Eisenhower, John Foster Dulles, and others in the Administration and, in 1958, returned to the White House to serve as a consultant and speechwriter for the President during the Lebanon crisis. In his correspondence, Jackson continually pushed a plan for massive United States economic assistance to underdeveloped countries. -
In addition to his political, diplomatic, and publishing activities, Jackson participated in numerous business, cultural, and social undertakings. For example, as a member of the Board of Trustees for the U.S. Council of the International Chamber of Commerce he was an energetic participant in this organization's efforts to promote business support for the European Recovery program during the late 1940s and early 1950s. As a member of the board of the Metropolitan Opera Association he helped plan for a new building site, and was involved in planning for the construction of the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts. Jackson was also on the boards of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, the United Negro College Fund, and the Carnegie Corporation.
Jackson's papers reflect all of the above-listed activities of Jackson as well as many others. Types of material include official and personal correspondence, reports, memoranda, transcripts of conversations, speeches, and some printed matter. An important segment is entitled "Log" and is arranged by years (1953 to 1964). This log originated as a brief daily record dictated by Jackson during his first year at the White House. After he left the government this log became more of a file for especially important correspondence, memos, and transcripts of conversations. It may be said that this log contains a record of the highlights of the years concerned.
A large number of photographs were removed from this collection and turned over to the Dwight D. Eisenhower Audio- Visual Collection.
1902, March 16
Born, New York City
A.B., Princeton University
President, C.D. Jackson & Co. [marble and stone import business]
Appointed Assistant to President of Time Inc.
President of Council for Democracy
Special Assistant to U.S. Ambassador to Turkey [Steinhardt]
Deputy Chief, P.W.B., AFHQ
Deputy Chief, PWD, SHAEF
Managing Director, Time-Life International
Publisher, Fortune Magazine
President, Free Europe Committee
Speechwriter for Dwight D. Eisenhower
Special Assistant to President for International Affairs
U.S. Delegate to Ninth General Assembly, United Nations
Speechwriter and consultant to President Eisenhower
Became publisher of Life Magazine
1964, Sept. 18
Died, New York City
[selected entries from papers:]
Bernhard, H.R.H. Prince (1)(2) [inc. Bernhard report
on European-American relations; Coleman Committee
report on American attitudes toward Europe; corres
with John Coleman; background of Bilderberg
Free Cuba Committee
Meyer, Cord, Jr.
N-(Misc.) [inc. Ferenc Nagy observations on Hungarian
uprising, India, and Bandung Conf; C.D. Jackson ltr.
to Gerald Noonan re Hungary, Quemoy, and 1960 camp.]
Radio Free Cuba
Rostow, Walt W. 57-64 (1)(2) [inc. Rostow's addresses
on development of markets in underdeveloped nations;
CDJ's ideas on Cuba, USSR, Berlin, and Quemoy;
Rostow's speech on guerrilla warfare; corres. and
speech drafts on Middle East Crisis, 1958, and Cold
War policy in general]
[end of stuff]
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